The secession effort is just one of many extreme reactions to Trump’s presidency that have emerged among liberals and Democrats in the last three months that risk generating a pro-Trump backlash.
Citing Russian hacking that benefited his campaign, prominent Democrats like Rep. John Lewis have declared Trump’s victory illegitimate. Celebrities and activists spent weeks on a longshot bid to flip votes in the Electoral College against him.
Hundreds of thousands turned out across the country to march for women’s rights the day after Trump’s inauguration. Last weekend, thousands more protested at airports against his immigration executive orders.
More protests are planned in the days ahead and pressure is growing on Democrats in Congress to stand up to Trump on behalf of their base. Lawmakers who spoke of working with Trump on some issues a couple of weeks ago are now boycotting Cabinet confirmation hearings and
threatening to filibuster his Supreme Court nominee.
Liberal activists held
a “What the f*ck, Chuck?!” march to Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer’s house in Brooklyn Tuesday to “deliver protein bars and weights to Schumer, so he can regain his strength.”
“No appeasement, no dealmaking, no collaboration: we need powerful resistance and leadership of all the Senate Democrats to fight the administration!” organizers wrote on a Facebook page for the event.
Conservatives warn that Democrats risk overplaying their hand by indulging the frothing anger of their base, no matter how unpopular Trump now seems.
“My prediction is that Dems are digging their own grave and their revolt against his legitimacy will, in the short term at least, boost Trump’s popularity,”
wrote Michael Goodwin in the New York Post. “Most Americans will conclude he is honestly trying to fulfill the mandate he won and that the fevered rush to destroy him is neither principled nor patriotic.”
"Democrats are at risk of missing the point of what was an almost revolutionary election," Republican strategist Christian Ferry
told the Washington Examiner. "People looking at what goes on in Washington and saying, 'Enough is enough.'"
While some liberals are threatening to run primary challenges against Democrats who vote for Trump nominees, Arnesen recognize the futility of
nonstop attempts at obstruction.
“Democrats can’t be obstructionist,” she said. “They’re not in the majority.”
Republicans could “essentially flip the bird” at Obama for the last six years because they had a majority in Congress and the power to destroy his agenda.
“The difference is the Democrats have no power,” she said. “All the can do is expose and oppose.”
Arnesen said Democrats need to make their opposition to Trump’s policies known and make Republicans own the negative consequences, but they can do little to prevent them from being implemented.
“Oppose, expose and remember,” she said. “That’s their job to the public, to remind them.”
Where critics see overreaction, others see opportunity. There is already talk of mobilizing the anti-Trump anger
in a Tea Party-like movement, but some Democratic leaders are hesitant to give in to the rage that the new president inspires.
“The radical nature of this government is radicalizing Democrats, and that’s going to pose a real challenge to the Democratic Party, which is to draw on the energy and the activism and the passion that is out there, but not let it turn us into what we despised about the Tea Party,”
Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Cal., said in an interview with the Los Angeles Times Tuesday.
Experts see similarities to where Republicans were in 2009, but there are crucial differences.
According to Daniel Chirot, a professor at the University of Washington and author of “How Societies Change,” the Tea Party brought together libertarians, frustrated middle class workers, and white racists who all opposed Obama for different reasons, but it took advantage of an existing conservative political infrastructure that the left lacks.
“The reason it worked so well was that the Republican Party had been building up local strength and organization that could then mobilize votes with the help of ample financing from some big moneyed interests,” he said. “They were therefore able to take advantage of these diverse sources of anger and keep them together despite obvious ideological differences. Now the anger against Trump is probably even bigger, but it is also disparate.”
There are many constituencies among liberals and Democrats that are opposed to Trump for various reasons, but that anger is not enough if it cannot be harnessed into productive action.
“The money is there, the energy is there, but where is the organization?” Chirot said. “The Democrats fell woefully behind in that respect. Obama, whatever you may think of him, was not good at helping his party and neglected supporting local organization.”
To keep the movement from splintering, they must keep that anger alive without alienating moderate voters and independents who could be swayed by the Republican agenda.
“In Congress, they have to be prepared to be
a bare-fisted, hostile opposition,” Chirot said. “If one side fights a war and the other does not, warriors will win.”